With the publication of the first
issue of Internationalist Messenger a new era has opened for the
promotion and defence of communist positions both within the various circles of
the Iranian workers' movement and amongst individual militants. After the
global triumph of the ideological counter-revolution and the dissolution of the
first communist party (under the leadership of Sultanzadeh)
this movement experienced a deep break in its historic existence. The history
of the Left in
This fight arose from the
non-communist policies of the Comintern and centred
on the national question, parliament and the unions, and the role of the party
in the class struggle. It resulted in a split of the left-wing in the Communist
International (Dutch, German and Italian) which was itself already in decline.
The weakness of the Dutch and German
factions in continuing the struggle of the Communist Left meant that the
historical task of defending the October Revolution's gains and summing up and
drawing the lessons of the defeat was carried out by the other trends of this
current. Thus the Communist Left continued to exist under very difficult
conditions and became the bastion of defence for internationalist positions
against imperialism and the political apparatus of the capitalist left.
Political events over the last half
century have confirmed the validity of Communist Left positions. These
positions have enabled the Communist left currents to learn the lessons and sum
up the experience of previous struggles of the world proletariat and have thus
established the possibility of further elaborating revolutionary Marxism. It is
from this basis that the internationalist communists have already begun the
process of forming the world international party via the theoretical/
problematic discussions which for some time have been underway. PA has set
itself the task of outlining the positions of the various left communist
tendencies to the Iranian workers' movement so that it will be possible for the
militants of this section of the world proletariat to intervene in the above
process.
At the same time, this attempt to
introduce and depict the ideas and positions of the communist internationalists
is an attempt to compensate for the break in historical continuity of the
internationalist communist movement in
1.
The progressive development of the capitalist system lasted until the
end of the 19th century and entered its decadent phase with the First World
War. This was accompanied by changes in the operation of the system (form and
manifestation of crisis) and in its superstructural
make-up.
2.
The process of the merging of state and social structures in order to
alleviate the crisis of the system began after the 1st World War. With the rise
of Fascism in Germany and Italy and Stalinism in Russia this process developed
and the tendency of capital to adopt the form of state ownership became global
(metropoles and periphery) and became fully
established after the 2nd World War.
3. The First and
4.
The unions which in the ascendant and progressive period of capitalism
were militant organizations of the working class, in the present era have
become organs for controlling and misleading the working class and are used by
the ruling class anti its various factions. The possibility of recapturing
these organizations and converting them into independent organs of the working
class has disappeared.
5.
In the era of the decline and dissolution of capitalism participation in
parliament and elections under the banner of 'using the bourgeois platform' or
the revolutionary destruction of parliament from within' ultimately ends up in
confusing and reinforcing the illusions of the revolutionary class.
6.
All national movements are an arena where the various factions of
imperialism clash. Support or participation in these conflicts therefore means
engagement in reactionary wars and are counter-revolutionary acts.
7.
The various social conundrums such as sex and race problems are part and
parcel of the existing system and are permanently reproduced by this system.
The formation of specific societies and organizations in relation to these,
which do not address the real cause of the problem (the capitalist system) not
only do not serve to solve these problems but divide the working class
into sex and race divisions and hence weaken the class struggle.
8.
With the failure of the German Revolution and the isolation of the
Soviet Union on the one hand and the degeneration of the Bolshevik Party via
Stalinism and the elimination of the left oppositions on the other, the Russian
October Revolution concluded in defeat, After the demise of the Bolshevik Patty
and the Communist International, all the so-called communist and left parties
served in the amalgamation of state and financial structures and formed the
left of capitalism's political apparatus (Stalinism, Maoism and Trotskyism).
9.
All the so-called socialist countries (
10.
In no epoch can the working class party be a substitute for the class in
struggle. The task of the party is not to take power on behalf of the class
but, by organized intervention in the workers' movement on a world scale, to
extend class consciousness and ultimately to defend the communist programme
until the abolition of all classes.
11. Capitalism became the dominant mode of
production Iran following the agrarian reform and right from the outset it was
state capitalism with the state as the main owner of capital and the forces of
production After the February uprising and the creation of the Islamic Republic
this structure was reinforced and, like state capitalism in all the other
peripheral countries (Iraq Syria and Algeria ...) is the manifestation of
capitalist barbarism in the decadent era.
12. The lack of homogeneity of the socio-economic
structure of capitalism in
13. Since the formation of the Communist Party
(under Sultanzadeh's leadership) there has been no
communist current in